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They all agreed that important pieces of the Zionist puzzle had been hidden from them and thanked their grandfather for having the courage, patience and forethought to publish this work. All Israeli students need to learn this material, whether they agree with our grandfather or not was their collective statement. We stand in plain white garb, shoeless, preparing for 25 hours without food or drink, to beg for forgiveness for our transgressions as individuals and as a nation and ask G-d to shower us with all His goodness in the coming year.

Zionism, Post-Zionism &; The Arab Problem

One of the highlights of the prayers is a cry to G-d to silence the prosecuting attorney at our trial and actually replace him with defense counsel. The ultimate in Jewish chutzpah! Yosef Mazur has taken a page from that ancient Jewish tradition and has challenged all of us to look at the facts on all sides of a particular debate before making up our minds. For this purpose, and with a firm belief in the Zionist enterprise and its narrative, he has produced a volume of work that will allow us, should we choose, to replace those prosecuting Israel with newly branded defenders.

My parents tell me that I have been preaching Zionism since I learned to speak. Yet, working on this book has opened my eyes to an entire world of knowledge that had escaped my attention until now. For this I owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Mazur and his dedicated wife Shifra. I must also thank my friends Michael Fischberger and Ilan Greenfield of Gefen Publishing House in Jerusalem, for asking me to assist with the Hebrew edition of this book and introducing me to the Mazurs. I never turned down the opportunity to listen to someone who was there and thus I gathered both knowledge and sensitivity to the fact that not everyone sees the same event through the same set of glasses.

Historical events in Israel taught me to think for myself, to read as many opinions as possible, to extrapolate possibilities and reasons for actions or words and most importantly: to never, ever, believe what I read in a news headline—in print, on radio or on TV. I was introduced to a man of many years, spry of foot and of mind, who lived through and experienced first-hand many of the formative Zionist events that I grew up hearing about, reading about and teaching.


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Yosef Mazur, born in with the advent of British influence in the region, saw it all with his own two eyes and was here to share it with me and with you. What an opportunity! Israeli society had developed, as nations tend to do, differently from the way he had hoped as a young man. His own grandchildren were questioning our right to live free in our own land, a question nary raised by Diaspora Jews prior to the 19th-century. So he set out to write an answer and in the process discovered the depth of the problem.

This volume is somewhat different from its Hebrew sister edition, which has received rave reviews from academic circles in Israel. That volume is teeming with micro details that are important internally within Israeli society and body politik. In this English edition we concentrated on the macro picture—the right of Jews to live freely in the land of their ancestors, by historic right, by legal right, by moral right and by ethical right.

We have tried to present both sides of the argument within Israel, to allow you to learn as we did the complexity of the issues and the reality. As we realized that we were developing a compendium rather than an original work, we decided to rely almost exclusively on the writings of others, the uniqueness coming from the contextual structure, stream of consciousness and gestalt.

We thus owe a debt of gratitude not only to our forefathers and foremothers but also to all the many scholars who so graciously agreed to allow their work to be included in this exercise. With a silent prayer that my children Noa and Uriel will be blessed to grow up in a world that knows only peace. The term post-Zionist deserves an explanation. From a literal perspective, post is a prefix meaning behind, after, later, subsequent to, posterior to, in other words after the Zionist period. As such, a post-Zionist is taking the position that the Zionist era has ended and preparations should begin for the next era, whatever that might look like or be called.

The Israeli body politic has been consumed with this issue since the last decade of the 20th-century. Post-Zionism enjoys access to many stages. For a moment, it seemed as if the reality of our neighborhood coupled with the significant and hard-felt failures during the Second Lebanon War Summer , had dealt a death blow to post-Zionism.

In the elections for the 18th Knesset, the extreme-left Meretz party garnered only 3 seats out of —YM and even the moderate left Labor party was left with only Yet despite all of this and the clear message of the voter and of our Arab neighbors, there are still plenty of academics, journalists, politicians and members of the Israeli bourgeoisie, who are stubborn post-Zionists who still not only hang on to the post-Zionist dream, but are willing to spend sizable fortunes and endanger countless lives in an effort to prove that they are right.

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As these lines are written, in November , more and more people are waking up and beginning to see the emperor in all his nakedness, realizing that the Arabs and post-Zionists have led us all astray. Thus, we see an opportunity to reassess the post-Zionist narrative and ideology, examine where it came from, its rise and its fall.

The volume you hold in your hand will review the meanings of Zionism and post-Zionism, their cores and their roots. We will follow along the paths of their lives and we will try to examine the realities of the past, the present and, of course, the future. The post-Zionist debate pitted against one another those who wished to prosecute Zionism and Zionists, and those who wished to come to the defense of Zionism.

The former believe that Zionism has had its say and should go away; the latter believe that the fat lady has yet to sing. The main issue that charged the batteries of the post-Zionists was of course the Arab-Israeli conflict. This issue has been on the forefront of the Zionist debate since the beginning of the modern-day resettlement in the Land of Israel in the early 19th-century. Because the post-Zionist narrative has not left the public debate as of yet, and in some areas outside Israel is actually gaining strength, we invite you, the reader, to peruse the various opinions, scratch the surface of the discussion, investigate the data and the details and come to your own conclusions regarding post-Zionism and the post-Zionist narrative.

On May 15, , the first train packed with Jews rounded up by evil-incarnate Lt. Adolph Eichmann left Hungary for the infamous death camp in Auschwitz. The Land of Israel is the birthplace of the Jewish people. Here our spiritual, religious and political identity was shaped. Here we first attained to statehood, created cultural values of national and universal significance and gave to the world the eternal Book of Books. After being forcibly exiled from our land, our people kept faith with it throughout our Dispersion and never ceased to pray and hope for our return to it and for the restoration in it of their political freedom.

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Impelled by this historic and traditional attachment, Jews strove in every successive generation to re-establish themselves in their ancient homeland. In recent decades they returned in their masses. In the year , at the summons of the spiritual father of the Jewish State, Theodore Herzl, the First Zionist Congress convened and proclaimed the right of the Jewish people to national rebirth in its own country.

The catastrophe which recently befell the Jewish people—the massacre of millions of Jews in Europe—was another clear demonstration of the urgency of solving the problem of its homelessness by re-establishing in Eretz-Israel the Jewish State, which would open the gates of the homeland wide to every Jew and confer upon the Jewish people the status of a fully privileged member of the comity of nations. Survivors of the Nazi holocaust in Europe, as well as Jews from other parts of the world, continued to migrate to Eretz-Israel, undaunted by difficulties, restrictions and dangers, and never ceased to assert their right to a life of dignity, freedom and honest toil in their national homeland.

In the Second World War, the Jewish community of this country contributed its full share to the struggle of the freedom-and peace-loving nations against the forces of Nazi wickedness and, by the blood of its soldiers and its war effort, gained the right to be reckoned among the peoples who founded the United Nations.

On November 29, , the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the establishment of a Jewish State in Eretz-Israel; the General Assembly required the inhabitants of Eretz-Israel to take such steps as were necessary on their part for the implementation of that resolution.

This recognition by the United Nations of the right of the Jewish people to establish their State is irrevocable. This right is the natural right of the Jewish people to be masters of their own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign State.

Zionism, Post-Zionism & the Arab Problem: A Compendium of Opinions about the Jewish State

THE STATE OF ISRAEL will be open for Jewish immigration and for the Ingathering of the Exiles; it will foster the development of the country for the benefit of all its inhabitants; it will be based on freedom, justice and peace as envisaged by the prophets of Israel; it will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex; it will guarantee freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture; it will safeguard the Holy Places of all religions; and it will be faithful to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

WE APPEAL—in the very midst of the onslaught launched against us now for months—to the Arab inhabitants of the State of Israel to preserve peace and participate in the upbuilding of the State on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its provisional and permanent institutions. WE EXTEND our hand to all neighbouring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighborliness, and appeal to them to establish bonds of cooperation and mutual help with the sovereign Jewish people settled in its own land.

The State of Israel is prepared to do its share in a common effort for the advancement of the entire Middle East. WE APPEAL to the Jewish people throughout the Diaspora to rally round the Jews of Eretz-Israel in the tasks of immigration and upbuilding and to stand by them in the great struggle for the realization of the age-old dream—the redemption of Israel. Placing our trust in the Almighty, we affix our signatures to this proclamation at this session of the provisional Council of State, on the soil of the Homeland, in the city of Tel Aviv, on this Sabbath eve, the 5th day of Iyar, May 14, But the physical attack on Israel was not the only one.

As the Arab states were attacking Israel with arms, the academics mainly historians, sociologists and philosophers were gearing up to attempt to destroy the state with the power of the pen. This is the simple truth that many of the post-Zionists are trying to erase from our minds. When it is asked what is meant by the development of the Jewish National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that it is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride.

But in order that this community should have the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance. Even the olive and the cactus, those fast friends of the worthless soil, had almost deserted the country.

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This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue? Upload Sign In Join. Home Books History. Save For Later. Create a List. Rafi Israeli. Summary Dr. The contributions in this book examine many of the new challenging obstructions, but also many new opportunities for ways to transform intractable conflicts.

The book brings together analyses from many regions of the world and regarding different scales of conflicts. The diversity in authors provides a wide range of theoretical approaches to explaining how intractable conflicts can be transformed.

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The following factors are examined: systemic changes and changes in context, new actors, changing dynamics of actors and possible intervenors, new strategies and tactics. What can a historical perspective contribute to the anthropology of Israeli and Palestinian societies and the practices of memory and history-telling that they espouse? In contrast to "history from above," which has characterized much of the historiography of Israel and Palestine, the articles offer a view "from below" of various social spaces, including the seashore, a cooperative restaurant in Tel Aviv, the Lydda Ghetto, the Lakhish regional settlement project, house building in Deir Al-Assad, fish mongering at the Jaffa port, and urban history tours in Haifa.

The volume also examines social practices of memory, including the forgetting of pre Palestinian urbanity, the representation of neighboring Arab villages in several Hashomer Hatza'ir kibbutzim , and history-telling by Bedouin women. Through a close investigation of these settings, the authors address wider questions in the study of local histories, societies and cultures, including the consolidation of the class and ethnic structure in Israel; the political economy of the military government; the social and cultural consequences of globalization and privatization; and the consolidation of historical narratives and models of knowledge.

Our shared point of departure rejects "methodological nationalism" in favor of a shared space and entangled histories, in which processes of separation, distinction and "Othering" take place within a realty of contiguity, social relations and mutual shaping. The volume is the result of a research group of scholars at early stages of their academic career, which met under the auspices of the Jerusalem Van Leer Institute in This book describes and compares the circumstances and lived experiences of religious minorities in Tunisia, Morocco, and Israel in the s, countries where the identity and mission of the state are strongly and explicitly tied to the religion of the majority.

The politics and identity of Jews in Tunisia and Morocco and Arabs in Israel are, therefore, shaped to a substantial degree by their status as religious minorities in non-secular states. It focuses on both the community and individual levels of analysis and draws, in part, on original public opinion surveys. It also compares the three communities in order to offer generalizable insights about ways the identity, political culture, and institutional character of a minority group are shaped by the broader political environment in which it resides.

Author Neil Caplan helps readers understand the complexities of the conflict and why the histories of Palestine and Israel are so fiercely contested. Now in its second edition, this book includes new discussions addressing recent debates over two-state versus one-state solutions, the growing polarization in public discourse outside of the Middle East and the regrettable trend of merging scholarship with advocacy.

This clear and accessible volume offers a non-polemical approach to current academic discussions and political debates and identifies eleven core arguments that the author considers unwinnable. It encourages readers to go beyond simply assigning blame for missed opportunities and explores the major historiographical debates arising from the dispute.

This book is a collection of essential essays on resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by eminent social psychologist Herbert C. For over forty years Kelman conducted interactive problem-solving workshops at Harvard University and elsewhere, engaging more than one hundred Israeli, Arab and Palestinian political activists, journalists and intellectuals in constructive dialogue. The selected essays are not only insightful academic papers, but also serve as snapshots-in-time of the ebb and flow of conflict and peace efforts as well as guideposts for future would-be negotiators and facilitators.

This volume will be of much interest to students of Middle Eastern politics, peace and conflict studies, and international relations, and will help would-be negotiators and mediators in practice. This interdisciplinary collection of articles deal comprehensively with different aspects of collective victimhood in contemporary Israel, but also with the wider implications of this important concept for many other societies, including the Palestinian one.

While focusing on Israel, the volume is highly conceptual, theoretical and comparative in nature.